The Entrenched Conflict: Unraveling the M23 War and its Humanitarian Catastrophe

The war between M23 and the Congolese army, along with its allies, continues to stagnate, much like the ongoing negotiations to resolve the conflict. No one seems to know the way out of this web of contradictions, corruption, lies, blatant racism, and genocidal practices. People here have lost faith in a peaceful solution: peace negotiations in Angola could offer some hope, but this hope is overshadowed by criminal activities on the battlefield. And all this unfolds under the watchful eyes of the international community.

In recent weeks, we contacted several people on the ground and cross-checked the information they provided with other sources. We already knew the situation had deteriorated, but some of the details we uncovered were deeply shocking. We will focus on the situation in and around Sake, a strategic satellite city of Goma that will most likely be used as the starting point for a new offensive by the FARDC against M23 rebels. These rebels control the heights and hills of the region, as well as the road between Sake and Bukavu.

The Goma-Mugunga-Sake road is the only way out of Goma, which is now blocked. Goma can only be supplied militarily via Lake Kivu and the road, connecting Goma to Bukavu. The airport is also a supply route, but a small targeted attack could stop that too. This situation is only possible because M23 allows civilian trucks to pass. Most outside observers already understand that the FARDC coalition will not be able to dislodge M23 from the surrounding hills, and in the event of a counterattack, Goma could fall. If that happens, the situation could become bleak: officially, the Congolese army still protects the provincial capital, but in practice, it is the Burundian army, the Imbonerakure, the Congolese army, militias, and Rwandan Hutu extremists who are running the show. Various labels are used to mask this setup, with the most common being the concept of “wazalendo,” a name for local youths mobilized to fight what they call “Tutsi aggressors.” Many of these young men have already been killed in previous battles, while others have fled the battlefield to take refuge in displaced persons camps and the suburbs of Goma, where they now engage in theft and other criminal activities.

The Congolese government, through the FARDC, has distributed thousands of machine guns in the region, and it has become impossible to control who is now using them. On the other hand, the FARDC has integrated hundreds of FDLR (Rwandan Hutu extremists) into its ranks. Add to this a few thousand Burundian Imbonerakure, also active in the region and now dressed in FARDC uniforms.

The Imbonerakure are the Burundian equivalent of the Rwandan FDLR or the so-called “Interahamwe,” radical Hutus with bloody CVs who have killed thousands of innocent people in the past. Along with the radical Congolese proxy group Nyatura and some local mercenaries from the Mayi Mayi, these irregular forces now control the town of Sake and its surroundings. They loot, kill, and rape at will, and the Imbonerakure openly boast in local bars that their presence in Sake is a very lucrative business for them. They also benefit from the protection of the Burundian army, which fights alongside the FARDC. On the ground, these militias work closely with the FARDC. The Imbonerakure and the FDLR now have a monopoly on all checkpoints along the road to Bukavu and Masisi. Two years ago, the large coltan mine in Rubaya was granted to Burundian President Ndayishimiye by Tshisekedi in exchange for Burundian troops and Imbonerakure to fight M23. After Rubaya was recaptured by M23, most Burundians and the FDLR fled to Sake, where they now control road taxation. The local population is defenseless against these thugs. Burundian troops have suffered heavy losses fighting M23, with many deserting, leading to around 300 being imprisoned in Burundi. These issues have not stopped Ndayishimiye from continuing to send fresh cannon fodder into the region. His own country is economically crippled by corruption, and for the Imbonerakure, a deployment to eastern Congo offers the opportunity to loot, rape, and kill at random. The Burundian army is currently deploying over 12 battalions in North Kivu. Regular Burundian troops are based in Makelele, along the road to Bukavu, not far from Minova. The Imbonerakure is mixed with the FDLR and is mainly present in Sake and its surroundings.

Internal FARDC reports and several discussions with FARDC officers and foreign observers clearly show how the command structure of the FARDC coalition around Sake is organized. At the top of this structure is FDLR General Stanny Sibomana Gakwerere, who has proven himself as a commander in the radical FDLR-CRAP unit. He has received a car from the FARDC, as well as all the logistics needed for his men. General Stanny receives his orders from the FARDC commander in Mubambiro, who leads the large mercenary forces of the FARDC and SADC (Southern African Development Community). His camp is located on the other side of the Goma-Sake road. A FARDC lieutenant named Fidèle runs the daily operations of this motley crew. Fidèle and Stanny work closely with the Imbonerakure commander Désiré Kaisha and FDLR-FARDC lieutenant “Noheri (Noël).” Together with local Nyatura commanders “Obedi” and another called “Defender,” they control hundreds of radical irregulars who run the corruption structure at all checkpoints. The Nyatura-FDLR-Imbonerakure coalition also conducts raids on the outskirts of Masisi to steal cattle and goats. They are also responsible for preventing displaced people from returning to their home villages. A few weeks ago, they clashed with a local Mayi-Mayi group from the ACPLS. This group dared to loot the property of the Mokoto mission in Masisi without the consent of the Hutu radicals.

If there is one thing most observers of Congo agree on, it is that this fragile coalition of FARDC-SADEC-AGEMIRA mercenaries and Hutu radicals is not strong enough to drive M23 off the Goma-Bukavu axis and the roads to Masisi. A new FARDC offensive in this area will most likely trigger a counterattack that could become very violent and bloody. This becomes clear when analyzing the most important artillery positions of the FARDC. These positions are held by Romanian mercenaries, assisted on-site by the FARDC. The perimeters of these artillery pits are protected by radicals from the ACPLS-Mayi Mayi, Imbonerakure, and FDLR. Most of them wear Congolese army uniforms.

Let’s start with the heavy artillery positions of the mercenaries in Sake: two large artillery positions are planted on either side of the Kihira bridge. People must pass through here to travel to Bukavu or Mushaki in Masisi. M23 rebels are nearby and control the heights overlooking Sake. Lieutenant Noheri’s men protect and patrol around these artillery pieces. The position on the right side of the bridge is located very close to the “Pastoral Primary School Kadogo,” and the area around this school is heavily populated. A similar artillery position is located on the Kilolirwe road, next to Sake’s health center. We were told that this health center is no longer operational, but this area is also densely populated by displaced people. Both areas are also surrounded by small markets as they are part of the downtown area of the village of Sake. This already constitutes a flagrant violation of the Geneva Convention, which stipulates that warring factions are not allowed to occupy populated areas and buildings to use them as shields for attacking their enemies. The presence of a school aggravates this violation. FARDC-SADEC positions are also located nearby. All of this unfolds under the watchful eyes of the international community.

These advanced positions form the first line of defense for the FARDC coalition in case of an M23 counterattack. Their second line of defense is located on the road between Sake and Goma, near the “Chemin du Ciel” cemetery. The Romanian mercenaries have set up several heavy artillery posts here on both sides of the road, near the Nzulo and Kimashini IDP camps. The government has also set up other IDP camps around Goma, from the Chemin du Ciel cemetery to Kibati. There are 4 or 5 large camps between these two points, with Lushagali and Rusayo being the largest. The military governor of Goma had the first hand in the location of these camps. After the arrival of these refugees, the wazalendo and FDLR began to control the population. Many wazalendo have settled here. With the help of the FARDC and FDLR, the mercenaries built mortar and machine gun positions just outside the perimeters, using these refugees as human shields. Several NGOs have already denounced these practices, but no one wants to listen. The displaced people have already expressed their desire to leave the camps and return to their home villages, but the Interahamwe and Imbonerakure have blocked them. The Congolese government holds them hostage as living shields, and thousands of them could die in the event of an M23 counterattack.

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